The Raid on Rudy Giuliani’s Home and Office Is Remarkable and a Very Big Deal. Here’s Why.

Photo by Kevin Diestch

When federal agents raided the home and office of Trump’s personal attorney Rudy Giuliani, America had a déjà vu moment. After all, this was now the second personal attorney of Trump whose residence was searched and whose electronic devices were seized by authorities, the first being Michael Cohen back in 2018. That is remarkable, and a very big deal, for at least three reasons that help us understand what is really going on.

First, it is incredibly difficult and dicey to serve a search warrant on an attorney. It’s almost certain that you might also seize evidence about his clients, which in this case include none other than the former president. Judges are generally wary of searches on attorneys because they can be used as an improper end-run around going after the suspect directly. If overused, it would damage the sanctity of the attorney-client relationship, which requires frank and open communication. If defendants believed their attorneys could be used against them, the argument goes, they would refrain from communications with them, undermining our legal process.

A search warrant may issue if prosecutors can convince a judge that there is “probable cause” to believe that criminal activity is occurring at the location or that evidence of criminal activity would be found there. That already means that there are affidavits by investigators laying out what they think Giuliani has done that comprises a federal crime, and that his electronic devices (laptops, phones, tablets) may hold evidence of it. It also means a magistrate or judge has reviewed these affidavits and agreed that probable cause exists.

But because Giuliani is an attorney, the bar gets set far higher. Whatever evidence is on his laptops and phones will almost certainly include or be mixed in with communications between him and his clients, which are protected by the attorney-client privilege. Further, whatever notes and other things he took (for example, with respect to the election cases) would be considered “attorney work product” and would also be protected from disclosure or use. Prosecutors would have had to convince the judge that they have a way to wall off whoever is going to sort through all this evidence so that no privileged matters are disclosed. (From my own experience, when there’s an attorney anywhere on a communication, the whole thing gets presumptively labeled privileged, and it’s up to the other side to prove that it is not.) Judges are usually and rightfully skeptical that such walling-off procedures can adequately safeguard against disclosure of privileged materials.

There is an exception to the attorney-client privilege, though, and it’s an important one here just as it was with Michael Cohen. When the attorney himself is involved in a crime, rather than just representing an alleged criminal, the privilege can be lost.

Here, prosecutors are alleging that Giuliani was illegally acting as a foreign agent for his partners in Ukraine but failed to disclose this. While the GOP and right-wing media will try to paint this as a “technicality,” in this case it is anything but. In 2019, Giuliani was deeply involved in efforts to discredit Trump’s main rival Joe Biden by smearing him with a false charge of corruption in the Burisma matter. To increase pressure on Ukraine, Trump held up military aid and made one of his infamous phone calls asking that the Ukrainian government “do us a favor” in investigating Biden. Put another way, Giuliani was a key liaison in an illegal scheme to persuade a foreign government to interfere in our election, an act for which the former president was impeached. Had Giuliani registered as a foreign agent as required, his cover would have been blown. His failure to do so is precisely the kind of thing the foreign agent laws are designed to prevent.

The second remarkable but important thing concerns the timing of this raid. It caught many by surprise, but it actually makes perfect sense. Prosecutors have been trying for months to get the Department of Justice to approve the Giuliani warrant. During the Trump administration, this request was blocked by higher-ups at Justice, but there may be a non-nefarious reason for this. It is Department policy not to undertake high profile enforcement actions so close to an election, for fear it would be perceived as putting a thumb on the scale. FBI Director James Comey’s October 2016 announcement that they were reopening the Hillary Clinton email server investigation was a good example of how such an action can have devastating political consequences. So this could (and in my mind does) explain why the warrant would not be approved prior to November 3, 2020.

But why wait so long after the election was over? The simple answer is that Trump was still contesting the election. There were lawsuits pending everywhere, with legal efforts being led by Giuliani. It is hard to see how they could have launched a raid on his home and office without tainting that legal process. Indeed, it could have turned Giuliani into a political martyr because it would have been seen as the “deep state” seeking revenge and trying to hamstring Trump’s election cases and thereby deny him a second term.

Tellingly, the raid was not approved until Merrick Garland was in charge and the last of the election cases was dismissed by the Supreme Court just last week. Because they waited, there now can be no legitimate claim that the raid was in some way related to the election.

Third and finally, the raid is remarkable because it is the closest the authorities have come to Trump himself. The evidence on Giuliani’s devices may directly implicate Trump in the Ukraine scandal even further than he already is. But more critically, if the authorities can put pressure on Giuliani—without the overt threat of a presidential pardon (more on that later)—it is conceivable that he could cooperate with prosecutors and turn state’s evidence to avoid a harsher penalty.

Whether this ever happens is highly speculative, and a lot will depend on how strong a case they can build against Giuliani now. I’ll be covering the substance of the allegations against Giuliani in another piece.